back to Contents...
continue reading...
In response to international pressure generated by the Santa Cruz massacre, Indonesia has continuously claimed that it is reducing the number of its troops in East Timor, and that most of the remaining troops are engaged in development projects, like the construction of houses, roads and bridges, and not in combat. Many observers, including Bishop Belo of Dili, dismiss such claims, but even if they were true, ABRI could still easily respond to any military threats that might arise by simply dispatching two battalions of combat-ready troops it has stationed in Java. In any case, as the ABRI commander in East Timor stated a couple of years ago, "the main security threat is not...small, roaming guerrilla units but the expanding anticolonial movement among young East Timorese." In an attempt to wipe out the underground resistance, ABRI has stepped up the search for "two-faced" East Timorese who pretend to be pro-Indonesian publicly but are really East Timorese nationalists. This strategy paid off. In November 1992, ABRI captured Xanana Gusmao, the commander-in-chief of FALINTIL, in a Dili safe house that was the home of an East Timorese police officer. In May 1993, an Indonesian court in Dili sentenced Xanana to life imprisonment, which President Suharto has since commuted to 20 years. In spite of the repression, the resistance lives on—as the world was reminded in November 1994, when 29 East Timorese students and workers jumped out of taxis coming from different directions and scaled the spiked fence of the US embassy in Jakarta. Camped out in the embassy parking lot, the demonstrators called upon Bill Clinton—who was there for a trade conference—to voice support for East Timorese self-determination and for the withdrawal of Indonesian troops from their country. (He didn't, and after twelve days, the demonstrators left for exile in Portugal.) The day after the embassy sit-in began, a pro-independence rally took place after a mass in Dili commemorating the victims of the Santa Cruz massacre. With dozens of foreign journalists present, scores of courageous young people, marching with FRETILIN banners, called for independence and Clinton's support. Following the peaceful march, over a thousand East Timorese youths rioted in Dili, attacking Indonesian-owned homes, stores and hotels, burning cars and clashing with police. Frequent violent protests continued for at least two weeks. Several protestors were reported dead and hundreds were arrested. As the head of the East Timorese Catholic Church, Bishop Carlos Belo, recently stated, "the situation is as bad as ever....We live in a scorched land." (As the only East Timorese institution that has survived the Indonesian invasion and occupation, the Church serves as a psychological and spiritual refuge for the vast majority of the East Timorese, over 90% of whom are Catholic. Under the leadership of Bishop Belo, who was recently nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, the Church has become one of the most outspoken defenders of human rights in East Timor, incurring the ire and deep suspicion of the Indonesian authorities.) A new, more broadly based, umbrella organization now represents all the groups within East Timor that are dedicated to national self-determination, including FRETILIN and the UDT. Called the CNRM, or National Council of Maubere Resistance, it was formed by Xanana Gusmao and others in 1989. (Maubere was a contemptuous term the Portuguese used when referring to the East Timorese. In the 1970s, FRETILIN transformed it into a term of pride.) FALINTIL, originally FRETILIN's army, has become the nonpartisan military wing of CNRM—that is, of the entire resistance. It currently numbers about 600–800 full-time guerrilla fighters and approximately 1500 reserves. According to its new commander-in-chief, Konis Santana, FALINTIL would grow quickly if it had enough weaponry. In addition to Santana, the CNRM today has two other leaders. International diplomatic activity is handled by José Ramos-Horta, and Laran Sabalae is in charge of organizing clandestine networks within towns and disseminating information to the outside world. (Although imprisoned, Xanana Gusmao remains the CNRM's supreme commander.) In 1992, the CNRM presented a comprehensive peace proposal to the European Parliament in Brussels, and later to the UN. It proposes a three-phase process that would take at least five years and would culminate in an East Timorese referendum on self-determination. Indonesia has ignored the proposal, but it serves as a basis for CNRM diplomatic activity and is becoming increasingly known throughout the world. Recently, the CNRMjoined forces with FRETILINand the UDT to form the Coordinating Committee of the Diplomatic Front (CCFD), which will provide "unified diplomatic representation" for the East Timorese nationalist movement. back to Contents...
[For a hard copy of this book, try your local bookstore or call Odonian Press at 800 REAL STORY. Or visit Common Courage Press] |